Several groups oppose CCP tyranny on one side of Canada’s Parliament Hill and a large group of CCP supporters gather on the other side. Here are some stories that covered Hu Jintao’s visit to Canada:
“When you go out this door, wash your minds and forget what we’ve said,” says Yuan. “Don’t go out and talk about this. We’ll find another time to tell the other personnel the same things, and we can tell them. Because we are the national team, teacher Liu has specially chosen us to be here to give us our marching orders for war. It’s a prelude for the beginning of our activities.”
Controversy swirled this week when CSIS director Richard Fadden alleged that Chinese officials are involved in espionage with elected Canadian officials.
There was also a published report that Hu asked the Prime Minister’s Office to keep two media outlets that have been critical of the Chinese leader, the Epoch Times and New Tang Dynasty TV, away from his Ottawa events.
“I think that is very unfair,” said Huo. “All I did was try to convey some messages to fellow Chinese people. I didn’t attack them, I didn’t provoke them, I was just there in a public space saying I believe something different from them.”
ST. LOUIS — A controversial exhibit featuring human remains as a teaching tool is causing a stir in St. Louis.
The “Bodies Exhibit” is set to go on display at the Galleria Mall in October. The dead bodies come from China.
Attorney General Chris Koster has stepped in to investigate whether the display should go ahead as planned.
A group representing St. Louis-area practitioners of Falun Gong sent a letter to the Galleria’s parent company, saying it is “highly possible” some of the bodies may be those of political prisoners executed by the Chinese communist regime.
The same exhibit was on display in Branson in 2007.
Forbes.com: Moves like this are to be expected. China has an aggressive policy to expand its global soft power, Chinese firms, even print media ones, tend to be cash-rich, and US media firms are increasingly desperate, as Newsweek’s dire finances (and BusinessWeek’s) demonstrate.
This failed bid raises at least two obvious questions. First, would the US government even allow a purchase of influential US media assets, dying or not, by Chinese firms? Second, is China wasting time and money trying to expand its soft power through dying media properties?
The Economist: ANY study of the Chinese Communist Party today will soon confront two jarring questions. The first is how a party responsible for such horrors—the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s, the death of some 35m-40m people in the worst-ever man-made famine from 1958-1960—has stayed in power without facing any serious threat, the 1989 Tiananmen protests aside. The second is why it still calls itself “communist”, when China today seems closer to the cut-throat capitalism of Victorian England than to any egalitarian dream.
The second question is easier. In 1979 Deng Xiaoping, the pragmatic founder of the new China, answered it in “four basic principles”, the most important being “the leading role of the Communist Party”. Richard McGregor’s masterful depiction of the party today cites a less pompous tautology, from Chen Yuan, the son of a Long March veteran and hero of central planning, who is himself a leading state-banker: “We are the Communist Party and we will decide what communism means.”
Foreign Policy: Is the “China Fantasy” starting to get deflated by reality? Three years ago, Jim Mann’s provocative book of that title identified the “China Fantasy” as the dogmatic belief of many Western political and commercial elites that China’s economic liberalization and growth would lead inevitably to democracy at home and responsible conduct abroad. The operative word was “inevitably” — the assumption being that China’s remarkable economic success would automatically produce a middle class that demanded greater political rights, and that China’s growing integration with the global economy would produce benign and responsible international behavior. Based on this assumption, the corollary policy prescription for the West was to pursue a policy of engagement and encouragement towards China’s rise.
This paradigm seems to be shifting. I recently participated in a conference in Europe on China, attended by a cross-section of policy, academic, and commercial leaders from Europe, the United States, and China, and came away struck by palpable attitude changes in at least three dimensions. Taken together, these are signposts that the previous conventional wisdom on China is coming under question:
Cadres responsible for ideology and the media are sparing no efforts to push forward President Hu’s slogans about “Sinicizing and popularizing Marxism” as a means to ensuring socio-political stability and promoting national cohesiveness. At a recent forum on “Promoting Popular Contemporary Chinese Marxism”, director of the CCP Propaganda Department Liu Yunshan urged cadres to “deeply grasp the laws of Marxist development, and to better arm the entire party – and educate the people – with the theoretical system of Chinese socialism”. “We must take hold of the people through better [use of] the latest fruits of the Sinicization of Marxism,” said Liu, a conservative commissar who is also member of the CCP politburo.
Ideologues and propagandists have, since the winter, been waging a campaign that is focused on “distinguishing four boundaries”. In a nutshell, party commissars are demanding that China’s intellectuals, particularly college teachers and students, make clear-cut distinctions between four sets of values.
CNET: Though it has given no indication otherwise, China would like the world to know that it has no plans to allow free access to online content–Google’s “new approach” to the country be damned.
In a lengthy white paper titled “The Internet in China,” China’s State Council Information Office reaffirmed the government’s longstanding commitment to censorship.
The Supreme Court of Sichuan Province upheld a five-year prison sentence on Wednesday for Tan Zuoren, left, for criticizing the Chinese Communist Party over the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. Mr. Tan’s supporters say the government was trying to silence him not only for his writings and protests over the Tiananmen bloodshed, but also over his attempt to compile an independent report on the widespread school collapses during the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in which thousands of schoolchildren died. Mr. Tan, 56, was sentenced by a lower court in February.
National Review Online: Shortly after being detained on March 27, 2009, Tian was “sentenced” in a sham trial at Hui County Court to three years in a prison camp. He was subsequently taken to Zhengzhou Prison in Xinmin. According to sources inside China, Tian was beaten, shocked with electric batons, and deprived of water at the prison camp. The camp guards tried to force Tian to denounce Falun Gong but he refused. He continued to be tortured and died in custody as a result of the abuse.
June 9 (Bloomberg) — One reason why Chinese leaders wouldn’t join Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in denouncing North Korea for sinking a South Korean warship when they met in Beijing last month may be found in an obscure agency housed a 10-minute walk from their meeting place.
The ruling Communist Party’s International Department oversees ties with Leader Kim Jong Il’s Korean Worker’s Party and shares with the Foreign Ministry responsibility for relations with Kim’s regime in the north. The party-to-party comradeship predates the founding of both states and was cemented on the battlefield in the Korean War.
The ministry declined to confirm Kim’s presence in China, even after he was photographed on May 3 in the northeastern city of Dalian and was shadowed to Beijing by Japanese and South Korean reporters.
The department’s “objectives are to maintain communist solidarity with the North Korean party,” said Susan Shirk, a professor specializing in Chinese international relations at the University of California, San Diego, and a former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for East Asia. It “definitely has a different perspective than the Foreign Ministry.”
In February, Wang Jiarui, the head of the International Department, traveled to North Korea to meet Kim, according to a statement on the central government’s website. A year earlier, on a trip to Pyongyang during “China-North Korea Friendship Year,” Wang pledged that China would broaden cooperation.